May Day

mayday

On May 4, 1886, a peaceful protest by labour activists in Chicago suddenly turned violent. A bomb was thrown. The police reacted by firing indiscriminately into the crowd. At the end of the day, the death toll included seven policemen and four workers; only one death was linked to the bomb.

According to the late historian William J. Adelman, the Chicago Haymarket Affair is the most influential event in labour history. Alderman believed that few textbooks bother to thoroughly explain the incident – and many leave out crucial facts.

“The real issues of the Haymarket Affair were freedom of speech, freedom of the press, the right to free assembly, the right to a fair trial by a jury of peers and the right of workers to organize and fight for things like the eight-hour day,” wrote Adelman.

A few days earlier, on May 1, 80,000 workers had been demonstrating for eight-hour workdays; something that was already law for federal and state workers, but that was ignored by employers. According to Adelman, employees were forced to sign waivers of the law as a condition of employment.

The next day, 35,000 peaceful protesters showed up. But on May 3, Chicago police began to attack picketing workers. In response, a protest was held on May 4. Adelman notes that this protest had been approved by the city’s mayor – something that’s often overlooked. In fact, the pro-union mayor had been in attendance.

The Haymarket meeting was almost over and only about two hundred people remained when they were attacked by 176 policemen carrying Winchester repeater rifles. […] Then someone, unknown to this day, threw the first dynamite bomb ever used in peacetime history of the United States. The police panicked, and in the darkness many shot at their own men. Eventually, seven policemen died, only one directly accountable to the bomb. Four workers were also killed, but few textbooks bother to mention this fact.”

The events that followed are even more mind-boggling. Martial law was declared across the nation; the calamity was used as an excuse to crush the labour movement.

Eight men, “representing a cross section of the labor movement”, would be tried and convicted. Seven were sentenced to hang; one received a 15-year sentence.

Among those sentenced to death was Louis Ling; a 21 year-old carpenter who stood accused of throwing the bomb, despite having an alibi placing him over a mile away when the bomb went off.

“The judge himself was forced to admit that the state’s attorney had not been able to connect me with the bomb-throwing,” said Lingg in his final speech. “The latter knows how to get around it, however. He charges me with being a ‘conspirator’. How does he prove it? Simply by declaring [an international anarchist political organization] to be a ‘conspiracy’. I was a member of that body, so he has the charge securely fastened on me. Excellent! Nothing is too difficult for the genius of a state’s attorney!”

Ling was later found dead in his cell, having committed suicide the day before his scheduled execution.

Oscar Neebe, the accused who received the 15-year jail sentence, famously told the court that he was sorry not to be hung – that he would rather die suddenly than be killed slowly for a crime he didn’t commit.

“They found a revolver in my house, and a red flag there,” said Neebe after receiving his sentence. “I organized trade unions. I was for reduction of the hours of labor, and the education of laboring men, and the re-establishment of the Arbeiter-Zeitung—the workingmen’s newspaper. There is no evidence to show that I was connected with the bomb-throwing, or that I was near it, or anything of that kind.”

Seven years would pass.

Shortly after taking office in 1893, Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld issued pardons for Neebe and two other men whose sentences had been commuted to life imprisonment.

In his reasons for pardoning, Altgeld didn’t mince words. He asserted that the jury had been carefully selected in favour of conviction, that the defendants had not been proven guilty of the crimes for which they were charged and that the judge did not grant a fair trial.

Altgeld concluded that there was no conspiracy to commit murder: “if the theory of the prosecution were correct, there would have been many bombs thrown; and the fact that only one was thrown shows that it was an act of personal revenge.”

The governor placed the blame squarely on Police Captain John Bonfield, a man who “could not resist the temptation to have some more people clubbed” as soon as he heard the mayor had left the gathering.

He noted that the meeting was over; that the crowd was already dispersing.

“Had the police remained away for twenty minutes more, there would have been nobody left there.”

“Capt. Bonfield is the man who is really responsible for the death of the police officers.”

Altgeld also noted that much of the evidence presented at trial had been fabricated. He accused some overzealous police officials of terrorizing “ignorant men by throwing them into prison and threatening them with torture if they refused to swear to anything desired.”

The same police officers were said to have offered money and employment to those who would agree to commit perjury.

In July 1889, an American delegate at a labour conference in Paris asked that May 1 be declared International Labor Day in memory of the men who lost their lives because of the Haymarket Affair. Today, more than 80 countries celebrate International Workers’ Day on May 1.

But, in the United States, it’s not the official holiday recognizing the labour movement.

In 1894, after stifling a railroad strike, President Grover Cleveland was trying to score some points with the union folks. That’s when he decided to dedicate a federal holiday “in honour of the working man”.

But President Cleveland didn’t choose May 1; he was worried that it “would encourage rabble-rousing in commemoration of the Haymarket Riot.”

Big Steve (as some used to call the president) chose instead the first Monday of September; a day that Canadians had been celebrating as their Labour Day, in commemoration of the Toronto Typographical Union’s strike for a nine-hour workday.

 

 

Murder in Buckingham

For those who aren’t too familiar with the National Capital Region’s suburbs, you may not have heard of Buckingham. It’s a small community of roughly 10,000 people, though it’s now technically part of the post-mega-amalgamation of the city of Gatineau.

But in the early 1900s, Buckingham was very different.

“Let’s say it was like many similar areas in Quebec, Ontario and elsewhere: it was almost a one-industry town,” explained Pierre-Louis Lapointe, a historian and author of several books about Buckingham.

For the town’s denizens, the options were limited; there were only two large employers in the area: the Electric Reduction Company and the MacLaren Company.

The MacLarens were very much the textbook definition of robber barons; they amassed great wealth by exploiting natural resources, having the right connections in government and not paying their employees very well.

By 1906, having bought out their only major competitor in town, the MacLarens owned two sawmills and a pulp mill. At this point, they’ve bought up every piece of the river that they can get their hands on – all the better to keep other companies from encroaching on their turf.

But just to be on the safe side, the MacLarens also acquire exclusive rights to deliver electricity and build railroads within the town.

“This enabled them to stop the other construction of any railroads going through the municipality,” explained Lapointe.

Without a railroad to carry lumber elsewhere, farmers and land owners in the area had little choice but to sell their lumber to the MacLaren Company.

“It was one of tools they used to build their monopoly.”

For the men employed by the MacLaren Company, times were tough.

“Do you think it’s human to give $1.25 per day to men who work from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m. in water, in mud, on logs?” a worker is quoted as saying, in 1906. “The work is brutal and painful. And I have six kids; why don’t you try feeding that, educating that, clothing that and do the same thing, you, on a dollar and a quarter a day!”1

In 1906, the cost of living is quickly rising.

“By then, the employees can’t take it anymore,” said Lapointe.

The employees try to unionize and the MacLarens soon orders a lockout. The company hires armed guards; scabs are brought in to carry logs. The conflict culminates on October 8, 1906, when workers try to implore the scabs to leave work.

“Despite the mocking and the anti-French sarcasm hurled at them by the guards, [the workers] are determined to keep their calm. But, suddenly, a sinister commandment rings out, that will put a spark to the powder. Shoot them! This cry comes from the ranks of the guards.”2

“It was an ambush,” said Lapointe.

Two men were killed: Thomas Bélanger and François Thériault – both members of the executive. During the funeral, the men were hailed as martyrs of the labour movement.

The MacLarens were later acquitted of Murder. According to Lapointe’s book, the prosecutor was furious and declared that he would appeal the judge’s decision. It wasn’t long before he received a telegram from the attorney general in Quebec telling him not to appeal.

The MacLarens had friends in high places.

In the months and years following the troubles of October 1906, more than 60% of unionists would leave the village. The MacLarens had blacklisted the rabble-rousers – and this list was circulating amongst other employers in the village, who didn’t mind complying with the MacLaren family’s wishes.

“One of the people interviewed about this subject told me the case of a boy, who after having passed exams and interviews, was called to R.M. Kenny’s office who pulled a notebook from his desk drawer and interrogated him about his family ties to such and such worker tied to the troubles of 1906… And to conclude dryly: ‘Sorry, there’s no job for you here!’”3

“In a few years, the population of the town of Buckingham decreases by 25% – which is enormous,” adds Lapointe.

In 1934, the workers try again to unionize. The Pulp and Sulfite Workers’ Union got more than 60 workers to sign union cards. Unfortunately, the company got wind of the organizing attempt thanks to a spy among the workers.

The company reacted by firing those involved.

“It’s a second attempt to unionize that was killed in its infancy,” summed up Lapointe.

The only thing to ever strike a blow to the MacLaren Company were improvements to the road system, which allowed the town residents to sell lumber to other companies.

Around that same time, Lapointe explained, the provincial government of Quebec looked into the work conditions of lumberjacks. They institute a sort of minimum wage, which forced the MacLaren company to increase their workers’ salaries.

And finally…

“What helped employees the most, as funny as it sounds, was the Second World War,” said Lapointe.

At that time, practically everything was considered essential for the war effort. Unions weren’t allowed to strike and bosses weren’t allowed order lockout.

“The MacLarens were forced to accept the creation of a permanent bargaining committee between the employer and the employees,” said Lapointe.

“It marks an important change in the working conditions. And by 1944, a union is finally recognized by the MacLarens.”

This story isn’t well known outside Buckingham. In 1990, Lapointe wrote about the 1906 conflict in a book detailing the history of the town of Buckingham. The book was published in both English and French, but Lapointe says the English copies have all vanished.

“They can’t find it anywhere in libraries. I don’t want to imagine… but the MacLarens have a long arm,” he jokes. “It’s a story that doesn’t make certain elements of the capitalist society very happy.”

Lapointe said that this story illustrates how there are always links between politics and economics – and that rarely can they be proven as clearly as in the story of the conflict of 1906.

“Today, we blame unionism and unions for all that ail the economy and society,” wrote Lapointe in his 1983 book. “It’s important to remember the role that unionism played in improving our lives. We have to pick up our heads like Thomas Bélanger and François Thériault… for them, and for all those who sacrificed themselves for their brethren, we owe it to ourselves to react. We surely owe them that.”4


[Editor’s note: We are extremely thankful to Mr. Lapointe for allowing us to share excerpts from his work and for speaking with us about the conflict of 1906. All facts in this article were gathered from Mr. Lapointe’s book and from a phone interview on June 25, 2013.]


[1] Lapointe, Pierre-Louis. (1983). Buckingham : ville occupée. Diffusion Prologue inc. Ville Saint-Laurent, Québec.

[2] Idem

[3] Idem

[4] Idem

The Strike That Rocked Canada!

Can you imagine having to work twelve hours a day, six days a week? We’re not talking about being a workaholic; we’re talking about life before trade unions!

It was around this time in 1872 that the workers in Hamilton and Toronto began demanding nine-hour workdays. Among them were printers who worked for the Toronto Globe and the Toronto Mail.

On March 25, 1872, members of the Toronto Typographical Union walked off the job. Other city labourers joined them in a show of solidarity. The Toronto printers’ strike culminated on April 15 when 10,000 supporters joined a rally at Queens Park.1

Good old George Brown, a Father of Confederation and owner of the Toronto Globe, wasn’t too fond of all that ruckus. In fact, the last time his workers had gone on strike, in 1854, Brown had some union activists successfully prosecuted for “conspiracy to combine” (which we assume is a synonym for “standing up to the man”!).2

In fact, as good old Mr. Brown reminded folks, Canadian law didn’t offer any protections to trade unions. 3

And so Mr. Brown had 13 Toronto Typographical Union members arrested and charged on yet another ‘standing up to the man’ conspiracy charge. Trade union leaders were having none of that; they met with Prime Minister John A. Macdonald and demanded an end to all that nonsense. (note: the fact that Brown and Macdonald were political rivals… it helped a little!)

And so the Trade Labour Act was enacted in 1872. And since picketing is kind of important if you’re a union, in 1876, a British law that made picketing illegal was repealed.4

Once unions were protected under the law, the 54-hour workweek became a common demand in unionized workplaces. 5

And good old Mr. Brown?

Well, in 1884, he and Christopher Bunting of the Toronto Mail got together with other Toronto publishers to impose a 10% wage reduction on printers. The strike that followed wasn’t very successful, but the printers made it their business to oppose all municipal candidates supported by the Mail. 6

They even created tens of thousands of flyers urging people to vote against the paper’s favoured candidate for mayor, Mr. Manning.7

After poor Mr. Manning lost the election, newspaper owners learned not to mess with printers (because, you know, they can make flyers!).8


[1] Hébert, G. Strikes and Lockouts. The Canadian Encyclopedia

[2] Kealey, G. (1980). Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism, 1867-1892. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Canada.

[3] Idem

[4] Guest, D. (1997) The Emergence of Social Security in Canada. 3rd ed. UBC Press, Vancouver, Canada.

[5] Marsh, J. The Origins of Labour Day. The Canadian Encyclopedia

[6] Kealey, G. (1980). Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism, 1867-1892. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Canada.

[7] Idem

[8] Idem